The Selective Memory of Power: Questions Imtiaz Bakeer Makkar -VAT SCAM- Murdering a youth in Chinafort- Cannot Avoid
By Special Correspondent
In a political culture where memoirs and moral commentary are often used to shape public image, figures such as Imtiaz Bakir Markar might one day be expected to confront not only national questions but also the more complex, deeply personal narratives that have followed them through the years. In Sri Lanka, stories of family hardship,how his mother was abandoned by his father married a second wife "Jazeela" from China fort, while Imtiaz Bakeer Markar biological mother was begging in the street, and working as a cleaner- supported by his Uncle - Yehiya- who was living next to Jammiah Nalimia- contested upbringing, and social ascent frequently circulate in the background of public life—sometimes documented, sometimes disputed, but rarely addressed directly. For a politician known for reflective writing and public discourse, a candid account of such formative experiences—handled with honesty and evidence—could contribute meaningfully to the broader conversation about integrity, identity, and the often-unexamined distance between private history and public persona.
In Sri Lanka’s political theatre, memoirs and retrospective critiques have increasingly become tools not merely of reflection, but of reconstruction. The latest entrant into this genre—The JR I Dislike, authored by Imtiaz Bakir Makar, we must question his ability to write a book, as it was well know, he was not good writer,only a orator, who can speak only in Sinhalese, remarkably nonsensical speeches. —positions itself as a critical account of the leadership of J. R. Jayewardene. Yet, beneath its tone of moral clarity lies a deeper and more uncomfortable question: who gets to narrate history, and what is conveniently omitted?
In Sri Lanka’s long and troubled fiscal history, few episodes have cast as long a shadow as the Value Added Tax (VAT) fraud scandal, which link to Imthiyaz Bakeer Markar's family, Insaf Bakeer Markar, is son working as " Political Advisor " In the British High Commission in Colombo, might benefitted from VAT scam ill-gotten finances to study at Oxford? if it is case Insaf Bakeer Markkar must removed from his Political advisory position from the British High Commission, Insaf Bakeer Markar also seen in attending to the Palestinian solidarity meeting, which might backing " Hamas " terror groups.
Vat sacm took place in the Sri Lanka, widely regarded as one of the most sophisticated revenue leakages in South Asia. It was not merely a case of accounting manipulation; it was, according to investigators and court proceedings, a systemic exploitation of the state’s tax machinery, executed with precision and protected, critics argue, by layers of political silence.
Yet what remains striking is not only the scale of the fraud—but the enduring reluctance among sections of the political class to confront it directly.
Among those frequently present in public discourse is Imtiaz Bakir Markar, a figure known for his articulate commentary on governance, democracy, and political ethics. Over the years, he has positioned himself as a reflective voice within Sri Lanka’s liberal political tradition, often writing and speaking on national reconciliation and institutional reform.
The 1977 general election, which brought J. R. Jayewardene and the United National Party to power with a landslide majority, remains one of the most consequential—and controversial—moments in Sri Lanka’s post-independence history. It is also a period marred by widespread allegations of political violence. Numerous accounts, both anecdotal and documented, point to attacks on members and supporters of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, whose electoral defeat triggered not only a transfer of power but, in certain quarters, a breakdown of law and order.
It is here that the silence of Imtiaz Bakir Makar becomes conspicuous. In a book that seeks to critique the moral and political failures of the Jayewardene era, there is scant introspection about the conduct of those within the ruling apparatus at the time—including himself. If the narrative is to be credible, should it not also confront the darker episodes that unfolded under the same administration?
One such episode frequently cited by critics involves an incident at the historic China Fort, in the Beruwala-where allegations persist that a security officer attached to Bakeer Makar was involved in the shooting of a supporter linked to the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. While details remain contested and documentation scarce in the public domain, the gravity of such claims demands either substantiation or rebuttal. Silence, in such cases, is rarely neutral.
Further, the question of patronage cannot be ignored. The post-1977 period saw an unprecedented consolidation of executive power, but it also facilitated widespread allegations of nepotism and political appointments. Names such as M. N. Amin—linked to lake House -Tamil Newspaper—are often cited in discussions around politically motivated placements. Similarly, appointments within Radio Ceylon have been scrutinized for reflecting partisan loyalties rather than meritocratic selection.
To be clear, such practices were neither unique to one administration nor confined to a single political lineage. However, when an individual positions himself as a critic of systemic wrongdoing, the standard must necessarily be higher. Selective accountability risks turning critique into mere political opportunism.
The broader issue at stake is not the legitimacy of dissent—indeed, critical engagement with historical leadership is essential for democratic maturity. Rather, it is the integrity of that critique. Can a political actor who was embedded within the very structures he now critiques credibly distance himself without a full disclosure of his own role?
In mature democracies, political memoirs often serve as confessional texts—documents where actors grapple with their own complicity as much as they indict others. In Sri Lanka, however, the genre too often resembles prosecution briefs: meticulously assembled cases against rivals, conspicuously devoid of self-incrimination.
Imtiaz Bakeer Makar has every right to write, to critique, and to shape public discourse. But with that right comes an implicit obligation: to confront not only the history he dislikes, but also the history he helped create.
Until then, The JR I Dislike may be read not as a definitive account of an era, but as a partial narrative—one that raises as many questions about its author as it does about its subject.
