The Kandy Railway Line: Engineering Cannot Be Rushed
The Scale of Catastrophe
When Cyclone Ditwah swept across Sri Lanka's central highlands in late 2025, it left devastation in its wake. The Kandy railway line—a colonial-era marvel that snakes through some of the most geologically challenging terrain in South Asia—suffered catastrophic damage. Landslides buried tracks, embankments collapsed, and at the iconic "Black Bridge," a supporting pillar was tilted a staggering 7 to 8 degrees due to scouring from floodwaters.
In total, over 223 locations along the line were damaged. This was not a simple repair job. This was a near-total reconstruction of a critical transport artery.
The Technical Reality
Herein lies the crux of the matter that critics conveniently ignore: a railway line cannot be rebuilt in a day, a week, or even a month.
Before a single brick can be laid, engineers must undertake exhaustive assessments:
Geotechnical surveys to determine landslide susceptibility and soil stability.
Structural integrity testing of existing bridges and tunnels—some over a century old.
Hydrological analysis to understand water flow patterns and prevent future scouring.
Climate modeling to account for increasingly erratic weather patterns.
An official from the Central Engineering Consultancy Bureau (CECB) recently confirmed that superstructure components have been "sent for testing" to determine whether they can be salvaged or must be completely replaced. This is not bureaucracy for its own sake—it is standard engineering protocol to ensure passenger safety.
The 85% Milestone
Despite these formidable challenges, the NPP government has achieved what many considered impossible. As of June 2026, 92 out of 97 damaged sections have been rebuilt—roughly 85% completion. This progress, achieved through the dedication of Sri Lankan engineers, is remarkable by any international standard.
Yes, the initial April 2026 deadline was missed. Yes, heavy rains in the first quarter caused further delays. But the work continues, with the government targeting full restoration by the end of 2026.
The "Foreign Tender" Controversy
Perhaps the most disingenuous criticism leveled against the NPP government is the claim that they are incapable of managing large-scale infrastructure projects. The reality, however, tells a different story.
The NPP government has explicitly refused to award a multi-billion-rupee tender to any foreign company for this project. Instead, they have entrusted the work to Sri Lankan engineers—professionals who understand local soil conditions, weather patterns, and construction methods better than any foreign consultant ever could.
This is not cost-cutting. This is capacity-building. By involving the CECB, the Department of Railways' engineering division, and local contractors, the government is investing in Sri Lankan expertise. When future disasters strike—and they will—our engineers will have the hands-on experience to respond swiftly and effectively.
The Hidden Agenda of Critics
It is no coincidence that the loudest voices on social media questioning the government's management are those representing companies that lost tenders under the new procurement framework. For decades, infrastructure contracts in Sri Lanka were awarded to politically connected foreign firms, with kickbacks and commissions flowing back to the ruling elite.
The NPP government's insistence on transparency and local participation threatens this established gravy train. The "Aunty Dorment" figures—as critics have mockingly labeled them—are not concerned with efficiency. They are concerned with lost profits.
The Judicial Retirement Age: Reform or Political Maneuver?
The Proposal
The government has proposed extending the retirement age of Supreme Court and Court of Appeal judges from 65 to 67 years. The stated rationale is practical: with over 1.1 million pending cases clogging the judicial system, retaining experienced judges for two additional years would help clear the backlog.
The Concern
Critics, however, see a darker motive. It is an open secret that the current Chief Justice is approaching the retirement age of 65. His political ambitions are no secret—there is widespread speculation that he intends to enter electoral politics once his judicial career concludes.
The proposed amendment, opponents argue, is "tailor-made" to extend his tenure at the precise moment when he might otherwise be forced to step down. This perception has united unlikely bedfellows: the Bar Association, lower court judges, and even the Mahanayake Theras (the most senior Buddhist monks) have all voiced opposition.
The Government's Position
The NPP government maintains that the reform is institutional, not personal. They point to the principle of judicial independence—if the retirement age can be manipulated for political purposes, it sets a dangerous precedent. Future governments could extend or reduce retirement ages to reward allies or punish enemies.
There is merit to this argument. If the amendment is genuinely about addressing the case backlog, why not extend the retirement age for all judges simultaneously? Why the sudden urgency?
The Nanda Koddituwakku Complaint
Adding fuel to the fire is the complaint filed by Nanda Koddituwakku with the primary commission regarding former President Ranil Wickremesinghe's alleged involvement in the BMW importation scandal. While the connection between this complaint and the judicial retirement debate may seem tenuous, it underscores the broader narrative: the political class has long used state institutions for personal enrichment.
The NPP government has not shied away from investigating these scandals. The irony is that many of the same voices now questioning judicial reforms were silent when previous governments stacked the judiciary with loyalists.
The Broader Picture
A Government Under Siege
The NPP came to power on a wave of anti-corruption sentiment. They promised transparency, accountability, and the end of crony capitalism. Unsurprisingly, these promises have made them enemies—both within the old political establishment and among the business interests that profited from it.
Every delay, every missed deadline, every controversy is magnified a hundredfold on social media. The critics are not objective observers; they are interested parties fighting a rear-guard action against reform.
The Learning Curve
The Kandy railway line restoration is, in many ways, a learning curve for Sri Lankan engineering. For the first time in decades, local professionals are leading a major infrastructure project without foreign supervision. Mistakes will be made. Lessons will be learned. But the expertise gained will serve the nation for generations.
A Call for Patience and Perspective
Sri Lanka cannot be rebuilt overnight. Decades of mismanagement, corruption, and neglect cannot be undone in a single year. The NPP government has shown willingness to take difficult decisions—rejecting foreign tenders, prioritizing local expertise, and investigating past wrongs.
When critics ask why the Kandy railway isn't finished yet, they ignore the landslides, the cyclone, and the 223 damaged locations. When they question judicial reforms, they ignore the case backlog and the principle of institutional integrity.
The NPP government is not perfect. It has made mistakes, missed deadlines, and struggled with communication. But the alternatives are worse: a return to the old system where tenders were awarded to foreign firms with little local benefit, and the judiciary served at the pleasure of the executive.
The Kandy railway line will be rebuilt—not by foreign consultants, but by Sri Lankan engineers who know the land and its challenges. The judicial retirement debate will be resolved—not through political manipulation, but through transparent consultation.
In the meantime, we would do well to ignore the social media noise. The individuals behind the most vocal criticism have nothing to offer but the failed policies of the past. Sri Lanka deserves better. The NPP government is striving to deliver it—one engineering assessment, one legal reform, one honest conversation at a time.